Prop 8: A Chat with My Gay BFF

When I was in high school, my best friend Thom was the only openly gay person in our school of more than 2,000 students. This was in the early 1980s. In Texas. 

Needless to say, his life was pretty tough. He had to deal with constant harassment at school. For three years, I watched him handle the scathing remarks with grace and wit that, at times, left me in awe. I thought he was the bravest person I had ever known. 

A few years after we graduated from high school, our class president and Homecoming King—arguably the most popular guy in our class—came out of the closet. A friend told me that he arrived at our 10-year class reunion all dressed up, but ended up lurking outside of the hotel, unable to summon the courage to go inside. At the next reunion, he did go inside, and everyone gathered around to chat with him. Amazingly, none of our old classmates seemed to care that he was gay.

Thankfully, that community—like the rest of the country—seems to slowly be giving up the old ways of thinking. But with progress, there are always setbacks. 

Today, I talked to Thom (who now lives in New York) about the recent passage of Prop 8, which took away the right of gay couples to marry in California.

Kim: I have a memory from high school, and I have to ask you about it, because I don't know if it's an actual memory or just a dream I had. We were walking out to your car after school one day, and we saw bullet holes in the back window of your car.

Thom: Yes, that's actually true. We came out, and my car had a bullet hole in it. It was the blue Chevette. It was definitely suspicious, since I was out [of the closet] and everything. But truthfully, who knows? It was Texas, so there could have just been some idiot out there with a gun. There was lots of supposition [on my part]. 

Kim: Why is gay marriage important?

Thom: It's not about marriage. It's about the rights that come with marriage, and also about not segregating people and saying "you are less than."

Kim: As you know, there's been a lot of response to the passage of Prop 8, with people protesting here in San Francisco and in 300 other cities across the country. What was your reaction?

Thom: Truthfully, I'm not that worried about it, because it was mostly the older people [who voted for Prop 8]. 

Kim: Well, I do agree. I think that's why Obama got elected. There's a change going on in this country, because you have a whole new generation of people who are voting. Also, people are evolving.

Thom: What worries me are constitutional bans, because once you get something into the Constitution, it's hard to get it out.

I hate pointing fingers, but it's always the religious people who want to force their values upon other people, which is just so anti-American. Freedom of religion means freedom of religion—not freedom of religion except for that which I deem incorrect.

Kim: What would you say to those religious voters?

Thom: Heal thyself. [Laughs]

This is just a setback, but the good thing about the setback—like any setback—is that a lot of people are now aware of the issue, so it keeps the dialogue going. 

Kim: When gay marriage becomes legal, there's a concern that gay couples will throw weddings that are better designed than those of straight couples. What can you say to assure straight couples that they won't be shown up?

Thom: The only way to have any hope is to hire gay wedding planners. Gays are much less likely to do themed weddings which—let's face it—are usually tacky beyond belief.

Kim: As you know, I'm in the closet myself somewhat, having voted for Arnold Schwarzenegger. And now, my instincts have been confirmed, as he has publicly come out against Prop 8! Does this mean that we should have watched fewer horror flicks in high school, and more Schwarzenegger movies?

Thom: Of course not! In high school, you can never get enough of horror films. But Terminator rules!

Kim: So what do you think will now happen with Prop 8 in California?

Thom: It will take a few years, but it will be back on the ballot. This wasn't the final nail in the coffin.

Kim: When we were in high school, if somebody had told me that, in the fairly near future, half of the voters in a state—even a progressive state like California—would essentially vote in favor of gay marriage, I don't know if I would have believed it. Would you have?

Thom: Yes, I could see that it was coming.

At least three married gay couples in California are now challenging Prop 8, which may be on its way back to the courts. Meanwhile, marriage between same-sex couples just became legal in Connecticut. 

What to Do

• Visit www.noonprop8.com.

The Morning After: What Now?

"Public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment, nothing can fail.

Without it, nothing can succeed."

— Abraham Lincoln

I was never all that worried about what would happen on November 4. I was always much more concerned about what would happen on November 5.

Here's something I've learned about elections: Once the celebrating winds down and the confetti has been swept away, people tend to go "back to watching HBO," as a friend of mine once put it.

As Barack Obama said many times during his campaign, his candidacy was built on the premise that his supporters—and ultimately all Americans—would be engaged in the democratic process long after the votes had been counted. He's built a grassroots following of millions, and harnessing the power of that movement will be key to making real change in Washington.

A couple weeks ago, a friend and I were leaving a rally when a skeptic struck up a conversation with us. He wasn't impressed with the jubilance and the rah-rahing at the rally. "Nothing ever changes," he grumbled. "The lobbyists own Washington, so it doesn't really matter who the President is."

I do believe that lobbyist influence in Washington is the biggest problem we have in this country, simply because it's at the root of so many other problems. Lobbyists do direct (and often even write) legislation, which is a big reason why companies are allowed to pump toxins into our rivers, cars still get deplorable gas mileage, and workplace safety rules have been loosened. And with scores of well-represented defense contractors striking the jackpot in Iraq, no one should be surprised that the war is still lingering on.

Still, I've grown weary with this complaint about lobbyists. It smacks of voter lethargy. The truth is, lobbyists are simply doing their jobs. They represent companies and organizations that have particular interests. Meanwhile, members of Congress are trying to keep their jobs, and lobbyists provide the money to run campaigns. That lobbyist money is used to pay for campaign advertising and garner votes. 

American voters have the power to change the game. The lobbyist is simply a middleman who's influence could be vastly reduced, if voters merely had the will to make it happen. Thus far, they haven't.

Barack Obama is hoping to change that. He was one of several Democratic candidates for President who refused to accept PAC and lobbyist money this year. When he secured the nomination, the DNC followed his lead and changed its fundraising rules. It also no longer accepts PAC or lobbyist money.

What's more, to free the executive branch from conflicts of interest, Obama has promised that no political appointees in the Obama-Biden administration will be allowed to work on regulations or contracts related to their previous firm for two years, and no appointee will be permitted to lobby the executive branch after leaving the administration.

These are great first steps, but until voters pay closer attention to what's happening in Washington—and let their representatives know they're watching—these measures will have limited effect.

Barack Obama seems committed to keeping Americans involved and the government accountable. His campaign recently stated that his Web site will remain active and, in the coming days and weeks, more information will be forthcoming about the role this millions-strong grassroots community will play in directing our country's path. 

Obama faced charges of Pollyannaism during the course of his campaign, but he was never naive about how difficult change would be. He has long said that he wouldn't be able change Washington on his own. This would be a task for all of us, working together. The question is, are we up for it?

What to Do

• Log on to Barack Obama's Web site to stay active in the grassroots community. Check his new Web site of the President-Elect for the latest news and updates.

• Log on to Change Congress and ask your representatives to stop taking money from lobbyists and PACs, vote to end earmarks, increase Congressional transparency, and support publicly-financed campaigns.

Obamalujah!

Back in early 2007, I went to the first volunteer meeting in San Francisco for the Obama campaign. I walked in knowing that Barack Obama was an extraordinary candidate—and I left convinced that he would not only win the Democratic nomination, but the Presidency.

Why? Well, I've been to loads of grassroots political events over the years, but even here in San Francisco—a city renowned for its diversity—the room is usually packed with people who are a lot alike. White. Professional. Over 35. 

Not so at this meeting. Sitting on the floor, backpacks in their laps, were a bunch of bright-eyed college students (a group that largely stayed home from the polls in 2004). Scattered around the room were people of every color and religion. Some white folks in their forties and fifties showed up who had never even voted before, but were eager to roll up their sleeves and volunteer for Barack Obama. There were even some Republicans in the house. One at a time, each person spoke passionately about why he or she had come. They couldn't wait to get started. I could actually feel the energy in the room. 

Meanwhile, thousands of similar meetings were taking place across the country, creating a groundswell that would gain strength and power as the weeks and months passed. Early on, most of the political pundits were writing Obama off, but those of us working on the ground were seeing something amazing happen. 

This candidate—with a mix of intellect, wisdom, confidence, and grace seldom seen—was inspiring people from across the political spectrum with his vision of a brighter future.

As the primary season heated up, a friend and I headed to Texas to talk to people about Obama's platform. We met a crusty, old cowboy/rancher in his seventies who, guitar in hand, struck up a conversation with us when he spotted the Obama buttons we were wearing. "I've been a Republican my entire life," he said. "But tomorrow, I'm going to vote for your guy."

We met three evangelical Christian women who had gotten a horrific e-mail with misinformation about our candidate. But for some reason, they were willing to hear us out. In the end, they surprised us by saying they would vote for Obama. 

Much later, I would get an e-mail from my mother's best friend from high school, who shared another story of Obama's capacity to capture people's imagination. She told me, "One day, my 89-year-old mother called me at work. She said, 'I just saw a man on Oprah. I can't remember his name because it was so different, but I want to vote for him for President. Can you find out who he is?' The fact that she didn't see him as a black man means so much to me. Like Martin said, she saw the content of his character, not the color of his skin."

Once Obama had clinched the nomination, I started getting e-mails and phone calls from friends who hadn't quite healed from the trauma of the 2004 election. They were worried that someone—racists or maybe Karl Rove—would prevent a victory. 

But this movement had momentum that simply couldn't be stopped. Not by nasty robocalls. Not by angry ol' Joe the Plumber. Not by a winking Governor from Alaska. The tide was changing. 

                                                                     *  *  *

Last night, after Obama made his election night speech, my friends and I left our victory party and headed across town for dinner. As fireworks blasted, people spilled into the streets to celebrate. They yelled our new President's name at the top of their lungs. Strangers gave each other high fives. People stood on the street corners, waving Obama signs wildly as passing cars honked. On my cab ride home, the driver had to stop the car for a moment because an overzealous Obama supporter was doing a handstand in the middle of the street!

This was the night we had been waiting for. 

Yes We Did!

To contact Neil Girling, visit www.theblight.net.

Election Day: A Survival Guide

At the risk of mimicking a sentiment that got Michelle Obama into hot water, I have to say that I can't remember a time when I've been more proud of my fellow Americans. I've been watching the news footage of voters standing in line for hours on end, determined to voice their choice, and it's truly an amazing sight.

Every vote counts, so on this election day, make sure you understand your rights as a voter. Everyone who is a registered voter has a right to vote. If you have any questions about voting or run into any problems at the polls, call 1-866-OUR-VOTE (687-8683).

Meanwhile, here are a few tips for surviving the long lines:

• Bring water and snacks to hold you over.

• Prepare for rain. Wear a waterproof jacket and bring an umbrella. You may need to stand in line outside for quite some time.

• Bring a book, magazines, a game, or some other distraction to help the time pass more quickly.

Also, keep in mind that many places have regulations against campaigning within 100 feet of the polls. Leave any campaign T-shirts and buttons at home, and don't try to persuade other voters while at the polling place.

Notes from Nevada

This past weekend, seven of us from the Bay Area (and one munchkin) packed our bags and headed to Reno, in hopes of helping to push the swing state of Nevada solidly into Barack Obama's column.

On Saturday morning, we were caffeinating at Starbucks (OK, so maybe we are latte liberals—what of it?), when we learned that Obama was about to speak at the University of Nevada, Reno, just a few minutes away.

We joined about 10,000 supporters at Peccole Field, where Obama once again lambasted John McCain for voting with President Bush 90 percent of the time. With a wry smile, he quipped, "That's right, (McCain) really decided to stick it to George Bush—10 percent of the time!"

Pumped up and ready to go, we headed to Minden—about half an hour's drive from Reno—to start knocking on doors. While Obama's volunteer corps has been out in full force, hitting nearly every small town and rural enclave, I'd read that the McCain campaign was focusing primarily on major population centers.

Sure enough, when we arrived at the Democratic campaign headquarters in Minden (population 3,000 or so), the office was abuzz with activity. Canvassers were rushing in and out, other volunteers were entering data, and locals were bringing in a steady flow of grub—including a darn good carrot cake—to sustain the troops. Meanwhile, Republican headquarters, located just down the street, appeared to be ... uh, closed.

Our volunteer coordinator told us that Minden, situated in the wide, open spaces of the Nevada desert, is a traditionally conservative area. But if the campaign yard signs we saw in the neighborhoods were any indication—less than scientific, perhaps—the area is pretty evenly split between Obama and McCain supporters (with one hopeful Ron Paul fan still hanging in there).

My friend Lisa and I had some Obama/Biden yard signs to hand out, and they were snapped up in no time. The Obama supporters I spoke to were pretty ramped up, and many of them had already voted.

Obama has now eclipsed McCain in the polls not only in Nevada, but also in other swing states—Colorado, Florida (small lead), New Hampshire, North Carolina (small lead), Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.

But the Obama campaign is showing no signs of letting up. It will be a fight to the finish for every last vote.

Photos courtesy of David Armour

An Open Letter to Americans from 65 U.S. Nobel Laureates

This year's Presidential election is among the most significant in our nation's history. The country urgently needs a visionary leader who can ensure the future of our traditional strengths in science and technology and who can harness those strengths to address many of our greatest problems: energy, disease, climate change, security, and economic competitiveness.

We are convinced that Senator Barack Obama is such a leader, and we urge you to join us in supporting him.

During the administration of George W. Bush, vital parts of our country's scientific enterprise have been damaged by stagnant or declining federal support. The government's scientific advisory process has been distorted by political considerations. As a result, our once dominant position in the scientific world has been shaken, and our prosperity has been placed at risk. We have lost time critical for the development of new ways to provide energy, treat disease, reverse climate change, strengthen our security, and improve our economy.

We have watched Senator Obama's approach to these issues with admiration. We especially applaud his emphasis during the campaign on the power of science and technology to enhance our nation's competitiveness. In particular, we support the measures he plans to take—through new initiatives in education and training, expanded research funding, an unbiased process for obtaining scientific advice, and an appropriate balance of basic and applied research—to meet the nation's and the world's most urgent needs.

Senator Obama understands that Presidential leadership and federal investments in science and technology are crucial elements in successful governance of the world's leading country. We hope you will join us as we work together to ensure his election in November.

Signed,

Alexei Abrikosov (Physics, 2003)

Peter Agre (Chemistry, 2003)

Sidney Altman (Chemistry, 1989)

Philip W. Anderson (Physics, 1977)

Richard Axel (Medicine, 2004)

David Baltimore (Medicine, 1975)

Baruj Benacerraf (Medicine, 1980)

Paul Berg (Chemistry, 1980)

J. Michael Bishop (Medicine, 1989)

N. Bloembergen (Physics, 1981)

Michael S. Brown (Medicine, 1985)

Linda B. Buck (Medicine, 2004)

Mario R. Capecchi (Medicine, 2007)

Martin Chalfie (Chemistry, 2008)

Stanley Cohen (Medicine, 1986)

Leon Cooper (Physics, 1972)

James W. Cronin (Physics, 1980)

Robert F. Curl (Chemistry, 1996)

Johann Diesenhofer (Chemistry, 1988)

John B. Fenn (Chemistry, 2002)

Edmond H. Fischer (Medicine, 1992)

Val Fitch (Physics, 1980)

Jerome I. Friedman (Physics, 1990)

Murray Gell-Man (Physics, 1969)

Riccardo Giacconi (Physics, 2002)

Walter Gilbert (Chemistry, 1980)

Alfred G. Gilman (Medicine, 1994)

Donald A. Glaser (Physics, 1960)

Sheldon L. Glashow (Physics, 1979)

Joseph Goldstein (Medicine, 1985)

Paul Greengard (Medicine, 2000)

David Gross (Physics, 2004)

Robert H. Grubbs (Chemistry, 2005)

Roger Guillemin (Medicine, 1977)

John L. Hall (Physics, 2005)

Leland H. Hartwell (Medicine, 2001)

Dudley Herschbach (Chemistry, 1986)

Roald Hoffman (Chemistry, 1981)

H. Robert Horvitz (Medicine, 2002)

Louis Ignarro (Medicine, 1998)

Eric R. Kandel (Medicine, 2000)

Walter Kohn (Chemistry, 1998)

Roger Kornberg (Chemistry, 2006)

Leon M. Lederman (Physics, 1988)

Craig C. Mello (Medicine, 2006)

Yoichiro Nambu (Physics, 2008)

Marshall Nirenberg (Medicine, 1968)

Douglas D. Osheroff (Physics, 1996)

Stanley B. Prusiner (Medicine, 1997)

Norman F. Ramsey (Physics, 1989)

Robert Richardson (Physics, 1996)

Burton Richter (Physics, 1976)

Sherwood Rowland (Chemistry, 1995)

Oliver Smithies (Medicine, 2007)

Richard R. Schrock (Chemistry, 2005)

Joseph H. Taylor, Jr. (Physics, 1993)

E. Donnall Thomas (Medicine, 1990)

Charles H. Townes (Physics, 1964)

Roger Tsien (Chemistry, 2008)

Daniel C. Tsui (Physics, 1998)

Harold Varmus (Medicine, 1989)

James D. Watson (Medicine, 1962)

Eric Wieschaus (Medicine, 1995)

Frank Wilczek (Physics, 2004)

Robert W. Wilson (Physics, 1978)

The views expressed in this letter represent those of the signers acting as individual citizens. They do not necessarily represent the views of the institutions with which they are affiliated.

Ticket to Nowhere

Just when electoral map wizard John King gets a handle on the game, John McCain throws a curve ball. Snubbing the Mitt Romneys of the world, McCain sported a Cheshire Cat grin as he named Alaska's gun totin', oil-drillin' female governor, Sarah Palin, his VP pick.

There have been rumblings that McCain's choice was, besides an attempt to court Clinton supporters, a reaction to the criticism that he'd been bought and paid for by the party's base and had lost his maverick edge. But how is partnering with Palin—whose politics seem aligned almost perfectly with those of President Bush—a fix?

Palin isn't worried about global warming, opposes reproductive rights even in cases of rape, and wants Creationism taught in schools. (In fact, she remarked that both the war in Iraq and the $30 billion national gas pipeline that she wanted built in Alaska were "God's will.")

When pressed to explain how, exactly, Palin is a reformist, conservatives all offer the same example; her opposition to a $250 million bridge that would have connected the small town of Ketchikan to its airport. But evidently, Palin initially supported the bridge, changing her tune when conservatives in Congress opposed it.

Another example, please?

Given Palin's right-wing leanings, it's no wonder that the smattering of Pumas who initially celebrated her have, for the mostpart, fallen silent. But will Palin help McCain attract evangelicals and male independent voters? 

It's doubtful he'll attract enough of them to win. At a time when voters are feeling the effects of the Bush administration's failed policies in their own lives, McCain and Palin don't have much to offer.